Latin America News Review
This blog is intended for those who want to read press articles that contain unique insights --as well as information that is often hard to find-- about Latin American politics, economy and society. I compile news articles on a regular basis and occasionally include my own analysis. Comments are always welcome. I hope people find this site useful.
Updated: 20 hours 24 min ago
Argentine President Cristina Kirchner tells it like it is
Argentina's President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner attends the opening session of a summit of leaders from Latin American and Caribbean nations, in the Costa do Sauipe resort December 16, 2008. REUTERS/Paulo Whitaker (BRAZIL)
Breaking News
December 30, 2008
President of Argentina Cristina Kirchner, said last night that the international financial crisis would better be described as an international financial scam emanating from the "centers of power," in one of her harshest criticisms of the United States to date.
"So far what we have heard is talk of crisis in the United States, but in light of what you see, we should be speaking of fraud in the major, international centers of power," the President said during a ceremony in Port Barranqueras, Chaco.
The president said, "The great country of the North has been in recession since 2007," but "nobody knew it, because all they were doing was criticizing the populist governments of Latin America."
(click here to view entire report)
Breaking News
December 30, 2008
President of Argentina Cristina Kirchner, said last night that the international financial crisis would better be described as an international financial scam emanating from the "centers of power," in one of her harshest criticisms of the United States to date.
"So far what we have heard is talk of crisis in the United States, but in light of what you see, we should be speaking of fraud in the major, international centers of power," the President said during a ceremony in Port Barranqueras, Chaco.
The president said, "The great country of the North has been in recession since 2007," but "nobody knew it, because all they were doing was criticizing the populist governments of Latin America."
(click here to view entire report)
Colombia and Venezuela: Testing the Propaganda Model
By Kevin Young
Media Accuracy on Latin America (MALA)
December 19, 2008
U.S. news coverage of parallel political events in Colombia and Venezuela offers an opportunity to test the usefulness of Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky’s “propaganda model,” developed in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (Pantheon, reissued 2002). The model predicts that the news media will look favorably upon the Colombian government of Álvaro Uribe, a close U.S. ally, while consistently vilifying the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chávez, whom the U.S. government frequently identifies as an antagonist. If the model holds, U.S. media outlets will be found to portray the Uribe government as relatively democratic, progressive, and peaceful, while casting the Chávez government as authoritarian, regressive, and militaristic.
Restricting the comparison to the two leading liberal U.S. newspapers, The New York Times and The Washington Post, this prediction is testable using two sets of similar events revolving around issues of political freedom and democracy:
1. Freedom of speech and the press. In October 2004 the Uribe government closed down Inravisión, a public broadcaster analogous to PBS, calling it “inefficient.” The station, which often broadcasted reportage critical of the Colombian government, was home to a strong labor union. Three years later, the Chávez government declined to renew the public broadcasting license of RCTV, a privately owned Venezuelan network critical of Chávez policies that had supported a brief military coup against Chávez in 2002. RCTV returned to the airwaves seven weeks later via cable and satellite.
2. Presidential term limits. Between 2004 and 2007, both Chávez and Uribe attempted to extend or abolish presidential term limits in their respective countries; Uribe was successful, Chávez was not. Their proposals differed in three respects: first, Chávez included his request within a larger package of social, economic, and political reforms, whereas Uribe did not; second, the Chávez proposal and reforms were defeated by a popular referendum, whereas Uribe’s request was granted by the Colombian Congress and upheld by a Supreme Court ruling; and third, Chávez proposed to eliminate term limits entirely, whereas Uribe proposed to extend them. Nonetheless, both were proposals to expand executive power.
If the propaganda model holds, U.S. newspaper reports and editorials will express outrage over Chávez’s actions while ignoring, justifying, or endorsing Uribe’s...
(click here to view entire report)
Media Accuracy on Latin America (MALA)
December 19, 2008
U.S. news coverage of parallel political events in Colombia and Venezuela offers an opportunity to test the usefulness of Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky’s “propaganda model,” developed in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (Pantheon, reissued 2002). The model predicts that the news media will look favorably upon the Colombian government of Álvaro Uribe, a close U.S. ally, while consistently vilifying the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chávez, whom the U.S. government frequently identifies as an antagonist. If the model holds, U.S. media outlets will be found to portray the Uribe government as relatively democratic, progressive, and peaceful, while casting the Chávez government as authoritarian, regressive, and militaristic.
Restricting the comparison to the two leading liberal U.S. newspapers, The New York Times and The Washington Post, this prediction is testable using two sets of similar events revolving around issues of political freedom and democracy:
1. Freedom of speech and the press. In October 2004 the Uribe government closed down Inravisión, a public broadcaster analogous to PBS, calling it “inefficient.” The station, which often broadcasted reportage critical of the Colombian government, was home to a strong labor union. Three years later, the Chávez government declined to renew the public broadcasting license of RCTV, a privately owned Venezuelan network critical of Chávez policies that had supported a brief military coup against Chávez in 2002. RCTV returned to the airwaves seven weeks later via cable and satellite.
2. Presidential term limits. Between 2004 and 2007, both Chávez and Uribe attempted to extend or abolish presidential term limits in their respective countries; Uribe was successful, Chávez was not. Their proposals differed in three respects: first, Chávez included his request within a larger package of social, economic, and political reforms, whereas Uribe did not; second, the Chávez proposal and reforms were defeated by a popular referendum, whereas Uribe’s request was granted by the Colombian Congress and upheld by a Supreme Court ruling; and third, Chávez proposed to eliminate term limits entirely, whereas Uribe proposed to extend them. Nonetheless, both were proposals to expand executive power.
If the propaganda model holds, U.S. newspaper reports and editorials will express outrage over Chávez’s actions while ignoring, justifying, or endorsing Uribe’s...
(click here to view entire report)
VENEZUELA: The Cost of the World’s Cheapest Gasoline
By Humberto Márquez
Inter Press Service
December 29, 2008
Excerpts from report:
"Gasoline is practically given away here for free," said Finance Minister Alí Rodríguez, who has done stints as energy minister, secretary-general of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), and president of the state oil monopoly PDVSA.
"It is obscene to sell our gasoline this way. We might as well give it away!" President Hugo Chávez said in a January 2007 speech, when he ordered studies to be carried out into the possibility of raising domestic gas prices. However, such a move would be almost tantamount to political suicide in Venezuela.
...
The low price of gasoline "is essentially a regressive subsidy, because most of the fuel is consumed by private vehicles belonging to the middle and upper classes, while the poor use the deficient public transport system," said [Ramón] Espinasa.
"Eighty percent of the gasoline is used in private vehicles, which transport just 20 percent of the population, while 80 percent of citizens depend on public transport, which consumes 20 percent of the gasoline. It is a backwards case of Robin Hood," said economist José Luis Cordeiro...
(click here to view entire report)
Inter Press Service
December 29, 2008
Excerpts from report:
"Gasoline is practically given away here for free," said Finance Minister Alí Rodríguez, who has done stints as energy minister, secretary-general of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), and president of the state oil monopoly PDVSA.
"It is obscene to sell our gasoline this way. We might as well give it away!" President Hugo Chávez said in a January 2007 speech, when he ordered studies to be carried out into the possibility of raising domestic gas prices. However, such a move would be almost tantamount to political suicide in Venezuela.
...
The low price of gasoline "is essentially a regressive subsidy, because most of the fuel is consumed by private vehicles belonging to the middle and upper classes, while the poor use the deficient public transport system," said [Ramón] Espinasa.
"Eighty percent of the gasoline is used in private vehicles, which transport just 20 percent of the population, while 80 percent of citizens depend on public transport, which consumes 20 percent of the gasoline. It is a backwards case of Robin Hood," said economist José Luis Cordeiro...
(click here to view entire report)
Thoughts on Colombia's old laptop tale
By Justin Delacour
Latin America News Review
December 28, 2008
After posting an excerpt of an article by Calvin Tucker that questions Colombia's old, defunct laptop allegations against Venezuela's government, I have decided to republish my following rebuttal to an anonymous commenter's assertions that (1) "every sentient being... knows FARC and Chavez have the same goals" and that (2) Tucker's article is "transparently idiosyncratic, lacking pedigree, provenance, credibility, and even a whiff of journalistic integrity."
Question posed by anonymous commenter:
If you were Uribe, just how would you go about convicting the president of a sovereign nation of conspiracy under these evidentiary circumstances...?
My answer to anonymous commenter:
If I were Uribe, I'd do exactly what he did and not bother trying to convict anyone because (1) the "evidentiary circumstances" were anything but auspicious for a case and (2) he knew it.
The logic of your argument is extremely poor because you lack basic knowledge of the region. I suspect you don't even really understand the immediate history. Prior to November 2007, Hugo Chavez's relations with the Colombian government had been essentially cordial (with the exception of a short flare-up at the beginning of 2005). Uribe invited Chavez to broker hostage negotiations with the FARC in September 2007.
So here's how the convoluted logic of your argument goes. Uribe --who was on good enough terms with Chavez to negotiate the construction of a binational pipeline with him, to have the Venezuelan leader go so far as to call Uribe his "brother," and to have Chavez serve as a mediator in hostage negotiations with the FARC as late as November of 2007-- suddenly "discovers" some incriminating laptops just in time for the Colombian government to go on a diplomatic offensive against Ecuador and Venezuela in the wake of Uribe's bombing of Ecuadorian territory. So suddenly --only six months after Uribe has invited Chavez to serve as a mediator in hostage negotiations with the FARC-- the newfangled story is that Chavez and the FARC are ideological brethren with intimate military and economic ties.
Now, explain to me this, my "sentient" one. If Chavez was so chummy with the FARC, why would Uribe negotiate the construction of a pipeline with Chavez and invite Chavez to serve as a mediator in hostage negotiations with the FARC as late as September of 2007? Given that you fancy yourself to be a person of high "pedigree," I am oh-so curious as to what undoubtedly stellar explanation you have to offer.
And please tell me this, my dear man of great "provenance." What interest does Hugo Chavez have in providing the United States with a pretext to step up its hostility towards Venezuela? Not even the Cubans would think to run the risk of inviting the wrath of Uncle Sam by aiding another country's guerrillas in a post-Cold War era in which the Soviet umbrella is a relic of history. There is simply no geo-political logic to your argument. Why would Venezuela's president make such a perilous bet, with no prospect of winning anything in light of the fact that the FARC hasn't been within striking distance of achieving power for several years and has negligible popular support in Colombia? What's the logic?
I'm sure that a man of such "integrity" as yourself can dazzle us with his brilliance by answering these questions.
Now, here's what I think. I think Colombia and Venezuela's relations went sour when Chavez started taking his mediator role seriously and talking about negotiating for peace, which was way beyond what Uribe bargained for but was also the primary interest of Chavez and his fellow Colombian negotiator Piedad de Cordoba. While Uribe was only half-heartedly interested in the most limited sort of negotiation (over hostages), Chavez has had a long-standing interest in helping resolve the conflict so as to remove the pretext for U.S. intervention in the region. The problem for Uribe was that Chavez's overtures were putting greater international pressure on him to negotiate seriously at the very moment when Uribe was poised to deal major military blows to the FARC. In other words, the interests of Chavez and Uribe would become fundamentally incompatible once Chavez called for peace negotiations. Since Chavez's efforts at mediation were therefore creating problems for Uribe, the best way Uribe could find to neutralize Chavez was to trump up a whole smorgasbord of outlandish charges against him and to thereby sully the image of Chavez in the international community. In other words, the whole purpose of the laptop ruse was to remove Chavez from any mediary role. In that, Uribe has largely succeeded, but at great cost to the truth, in my view.
Latin America News Review
December 28, 2008
After posting an excerpt of an article by Calvin Tucker that questions Colombia's old, defunct laptop allegations against Venezuela's government, I have decided to republish my following rebuttal to an anonymous commenter's assertions that (1) "every sentient being... knows FARC and Chavez have the same goals" and that (2) Tucker's article is "transparently idiosyncratic, lacking pedigree, provenance, credibility, and even a whiff of journalistic integrity."
Question posed by anonymous commenter:
If you were Uribe, just how would you go about convicting the president of a sovereign nation of conspiracy under these evidentiary circumstances...?
My answer to anonymous commenter:
If I were Uribe, I'd do exactly what he did and not bother trying to convict anyone because (1) the "evidentiary circumstances" were anything but auspicious for a case and (2) he knew it.
The logic of your argument is extremely poor because you lack basic knowledge of the region. I suspect you don't even really understand the immediate history. Prior to November 2007, Hugo Chavez's relations with the Colombian government had been essentially cordial (with the exception of a short flare-up at the beginning of 2005). Uribe invited Chavez to broker hostage negotiations with the FARC in September 2007.
So here's how the convoluted logic of your argument goes. Uribe --who was on good enough terms with Chavez to negotiate the construction of a binational pipeline with him, to have the Venezuelan leader go so far as to call Uribe his "brother," and to have Chavez serve as a mediator in hostage negotiations with the FARC as late as November of 2007-- suddenly "discovers" some incriminating laptops just in time for the Colombian government to go on a diplomatic offensive against Ecuador and Venezuela in the wake of Uribe's bombing of Ecuadorian territory. So suddenly --only six months after Uribe has invited Chavez to serve as a mediator in hostage negotiations with the FARC-- the newfangled story is that Chavez and the FARC are ideological brethren with intimate military and economic ties.
Now, explain to me this, my "sentient" one. If Chavez was so chummy with the FARC, why would Uribe negotiate the construction of a pipeline with Chavez and invite Chavez to serve as a mediator in hostage negotiations with the FARC as late as September of 2007? Given that you fancy yourself to be a person of high "pedigree," I am oh-so curious as to what undoubtedly stellar explanation you have to offer.
And please tell me this, my dear man of great "provenance." What interest does Hugo Chavez have in providing the United States with a pretext to step up its hostility towards Venezuela? Not even the Cubans would think to run the risk of inviting the wrath of Uncle Sam by aiding another country's guerrillas in a post-Cold War era in which the Soviet umbrella is a relic of history. There is simply no geo-political logic to your argument. Why would Venezuela's president make such a perilous bet, with no prospect of winning anything in light of the fact that the FARC hasn't been within striking distance of achieving power for several years and has negligible popular support in Colombia? What's the logic?
I'm sure that a man of such "integrity" as yourself can dazzle us with his brilliance by answering these questions.
Now, here's what I think. I think Colombia and Venezuela's relations went sour when Chavez started taking his mediator role seriously and talking about negotiating for peace, which was way beyond what Uribe bargained for but was also the primary interest of Chavez and his fellow Colombian negotiator Piedad de Cordoba. While Uribe was only half-heartedly interested in the most limited sort of negotiation (over hostages), Chavez has had a long-standing interest in helping resolve the conflict so as to remove the pretext for U.S. intervention in the region. The problem for Uribe was that Chavez's overtures were putting greater international pressure on him to negotiate seriously at the very moment when Uribe was poised to deal major military blows to the FARC. In other words, the interests of Chavez and Uribe would become fundamentally incompatible once Chavez called for peace negotiations. Since Chavez's efforts at mediation were therefore creating problems for Uribe, the best way Uribe could find to neutralize Chavez was to trump up a whole smorgasbord of outlandish charges against him and to thereby sully the image of Chavez in the international community. In other words, the whole purpose of the laptop ruse was to remove Chavez from any mediary role. In that, Uribe has largely succeeded, but at great cost to the truth, in my view.
Chávez Wins Again
Venezuelans continue to support socialist leader despite corruption fears
Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez is surrounded by children holding Cuban and Venezuelan flags at a ceremony where the tomb of Venezuela's independence hero Simon Bolivar is placed during a visit by Cuba's President Raul Castro, unseen, in Caracas, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2008. Castro is in Venezuela on his first international visit as Cuba's leader. (AP Photo/Howard Yanes)
By Steve Ellner
In These Times
December 26, 2008
CARACAS, Venezuela — The results of the Nov. 23 state-municipal elections dashed the opposition’s hopes that Venezuela has become fed up with President Hugo Chávez. Chávez’s United Socialist Party (PSUV) took 17 of the nation’s 22 governorships, 80 percent of the mayoral posts and all but three state legislatures. The achievement of an absolute majority of the popular vote by the Chavistas — or Chávez supporters — after 10 years in power is impressive. It shows that the president has found the formula for maintaining high levels of popularity over an extended period of time.
In another plus for the Chavistas, voter turnout surpassed 65 percent — 20 percentage points higher than the last state-municipal election in 2004. Such participation helps debunk the claim that Chávez is installing an authoritarian regime.
However, it wasn’t all good news for the Chavistas. Opposition leaders and some of the media highlighted Chávez defeats in Miranda, Zulia, Carabobo, the nation’s most populated states, as well as in the capital city of Caracas. The losses might force Chávez to slow down the pace of change and force the PSUV to analyze its errors...
(click here to view entire report)
Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez is surrounded by children holding Cuban and Venezuelan flags at a ceremony where the tomb of Venezuela's independence hero Simon Bolivar is placed during a visit by Cuba's President Raul Castro, unseen, in Caracas, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2008. Castro is in Venezuela on his first international visit as Cuba's leader. (AP Photo/Howard Yanes)
By Steve Ellner
In These Times
December 26, 2008
CARACAS, Venezuela — The results of the Nov. 23 state-municipal elections dashed the opposition’s hopes that Venezuela has become fed up with President Hugo Chávez. Chávez’s United Socialist Party (PSUV) took 17 of the nation’s 22 governorships, 80 percent of the mayoral posts and all but three state legislatures. The achievement of an absolute majority of the popular vote by the Chavistas — or Chávez supporters — after 10 years in power is impressive. It shows that the president has found the formula for maintaining high levels of popularity over an extended period of time.
In another plus for the Chavistas, voter turnout surpassed 65 percent — 20 percentage points higher than the last state-municipal election in 2004. Such participation helps debunk the claim that Chávez is installing an authoritarian regime.
However, it wasn’t all good news for the Chavistas. Opposition leaders and some of the media highlighted Chávez defeats in Miranda, Zulia, Carabobo, the nation’s most populated states, as well as in the capital city of Caracas. The losses might force Chávez to slow down the pace of change and force the PSUV to analyze its errors...
(click here to view entire report)
It's time to ban TV ads in elections
Mark Karlin: The pressure to buy expensive TV election ad campaigns is an invitation to corruption
Real News
December 23, 2008
[Editor's Note: A number of years ago, the Harvard historian John Womack was quoted as saying something similar about Mexico's shift from PRI domination to the era of televised political advertisements: "Money is going to play an even greater role, because the plutocrats can now back candidates without deferring to the office of the president. Candidates will have to negotiate with the people paying for their TV time."]
In the second interview with Mark Karlin, Paul Jay asks about the iceberg of corruption in Illinois represented by Rod Blagojevich and how the scandal might affect national policy.
Real News
December 23, 2008
[Editor's Note: A number of years ago, the Harvard historian John Womack was quoted as saying something similar about Mexico's shift from PRI domination to the era of televised political advertisements: "Money is going to play an even greater role, because the plutocrats can now back candidates without deferring to the office of the president. Candidates will have to negotiate with the people paying for their TV time."]
In the second interview with Mark Karlin, Paul Jay asks about the iceberg of corruption in Illinois represented by Rod Blagojevich and how the scandal might affect national policy.
Hugo Chavez, the FARC laptop, and the non-existent emails
A man looks at a huge fake computer with an image of Colombian President Alvaro Uribe (R) in Caracas May 15, 2008. REUTERS/Edwin Montilva (VENEZUELA)
By Calvin Tucker
21st Century Socialism
December 20, 2008
Excerpt from report:
[F]or nine long months after the Colombian military obliterated the Farc camp, leaving only one survivor: that amazing bombproof laptop, the official version stood largely unchallenged. Chavez was damned as a sponsor of terrorism, his reputation sullied, his honesty called into question.
Then, in early December, the official version, already widely disbelieved across Latin America, began to crumble. The Colombian government-appointed investigator, Captain Ronald Coy, stated under oath that he had found only word documents in the laptop, and not a single email:
QUESTION: “Please state to this office if you have found in the electronic elements seized from Raul Reyes, files corresponding to email messages sent to or received by him.”
COY’S ANSWER: “Proper emails have not been found so far. A large amount of e-mail addresses have been found, but Reyes kept the information stored in word and other Microsoft software.”
So no actual emails. And consequently, no proof that any of the alleged authors of these word documents sent or received anything...
(click here to view entire report)
By Calvin Tucker
21st Century Socialism
December 20, 2008
Excerpt from report:
[F]or nine long months after the Colombian military obliterated the Farc camp, leaving only one survivor: that amazing bombproof laptop, the official version stood largely unchallenged. Chavez was damned as a sponsor of terrorism, his reputation sullied, his honesty called into question.
Then, in early December, the official version, already widely disbelieved across Latin America, began to crumble. The Colombian government-appointed investigator, Captain Ronald Coy, stated under oath that he had found only word documents in the laptop, and not a single email:
QUESTION: “Please state to this office if you have found in the electronic elements seized from Raul Reyes, files corresponding to email messages sent to or received by him.”
COY’S ANSWER: “Proper emails have not been found so far. A large amount of e-mail addresses have been found, but Reyes kept the information stored in word and other Microsoft software.”
So no actual emails. And consequently, no proof that any of the alleged authors of these word documents sent or received anything...
(click here to view entire report)
Hugo Chavez, the FARC laptop, and the non-existent emails
A man looks at a huge fake computer with an image of Colombian President Alvaro Uribe (R) in Caracas May 15, 2008. REUTERS/Edwin Montilva (VENEZUELA)
By Calvin Tucker
21st Century Socialism
December 20, 2008
Excerpt from report:
[F]or nine long months after the Colombian military obliterated the Farc camp, leaving only one survivor: that amazing bombproof laptop, the official version stood largely unchallenged. Chavez was damned as a sponsor of terrorism, his reputation sullied, his honesty called into question.
Then, in early December, the official version, already widely disbelieved across Latin America, began to crumble. The Colombian government-appointed investigator, Captain Ronald Coy, stated under oath that he had found only word documents in the laptop, and not a single email:
QUESTION: “Please state to this office if you have found in the electronic elements seized from Raul Reyes, files corresponding to email messages sent to or received by him.”
COY’S ANSWER: “Proper emails have not been found so far. A large amount of e-mail addresses have been found, but Reyes kept the information stored in word and other Microsoft software.”
So no actual emails. And consequently, no proof that any of the alleged authors of these word documents sent or received anything...
(click here to view entire report)
By Calvin Tucker
21st Century Socialism
December 20, 2008
Excerpt from report:
[F]or nine long months after the Colombian military obliterated the Farc camp, leaving only one survivor: that amazing bombproof laptop, the official version stood largely unchallenged. Chavez was damned as a sponsor of terrorism, his reputation sullied, his honesty called into question.
Then, in early December, the official version, already widely disbelieved across Latin America, began to crumble. The Colombian government-appointed investigator, Captain Ronald Coy, stated under oath that he had found only word documents in the laptop, and not a single email:
QUESTION: “Please state to this office if you have found in the electronic elements seized from Raul Reyes, files corresponding to email messages sent to or received by him.”
COY’S ANSWER: “Proper emails have not been found so far. A large amount of e-mail addresses have been found, but Reyes kept the information stored in word and other Microsoft software.”
So no actual emails. And consequently, no proof that any of the alleged authors of these word documents sent or received anything...
(click here to view entire report)
Ozzie Guillen calls for more amicable relations between U.S., Venezuela
Associated Press
December 18, 2008
Excerpt from report:
Guillen also touched on relations between his homeland and the U.S., saying he hopes President Hugo Chavez and President-elect Barack Obama would strengthen ties.
"I'm not asking them to be great friends, but at least that they shake hands," he said.
Relations between the two countries have soured under President George W. Bush. Chavez has expressed hope ties may improve under Obama...
(click here to view entire report)
December 18, 2008
Excerpt from report:
Guillen also touched on relations between his homeland and the U.S., saying he hopes President Hugo Chavez and President-elect Barack Obama would strengthen ties.
"I'm not asking them to be great friends, but at least that they shake hands," he said.
Relations between the two countries have soured under President George W. Bush. Chavez has expressed hope ties may improve under Obama...
(click here to view entire report)
Ozzie Guillen calls for more amicable relations between U.S., Venezuela
Associated Press
December 18, 2008
Excerpt from report:
Guillen also touched on relations between his homeland and the U.S., saying he hopes President Hugo Chavez and President-elect Barack Obama would strengthen ties.
"I'm not asking them to be great friends, but at least that they shake hands," he said.
Relations between the two countries have soured under President George W. Bush. Chavez has expressed hope ties may improve under Obama...
(click here to view entire report)
December 18, 2008
Excerpt from report:
Guillen also touched on relations between his homeland and the U.S., saying he hopes President Hugo Chavez and President-elect Barack Obama would strengthen ties.
"I'm not asking them to be great friends, but at least that they shake hands," he said.
Relations between the two countries have soured under President George W. Bush. Chavez has expressed hope ties may improve under Obama...
(click here to view entire report)
A conversation about Latin America with guest host Julia Sweig and Eduardo Galeano
Charlie Rose
May 31, 2006
Julia Sweig of the Council on Foreign Relations talks to poet Eduardo Galeano about Latin America and his book "Voices of Time: A Life in Stories".
A conversation about Latin America with guest host Julia Sweig and Eduardo Galeano
Charlie Rose
May 31, 2006
Julia Sweig of the Council on Foreign Relations talks to poet Eduardo Galeano about Latin America and his book "Voices of Time: A Life in Stories".
Council on Hemispheric Affairs joins in questioning Human Rights Watch's Venezuela report
Jose Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch, holds a news conference in Caracas September 18, 2008.
Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA)
December 18, 2008
[Editor's note: For further information on the criticisms of Human Rights Watch's Venezuela report, see IPS' article, "Human Rights Watch Report Under Fire."]
Excerpt from report:
Any reservation COHA may have had over taking issue with a sister organization was voided by the egregiously inappropriate behavior exhibited by HRW. Most specifically it was the issuance of this report and the needlessly venomous tone resorted to by HRW’s head for Latin America, Jose Miguel Vivanco. In his charges, HRW’s lead researcher and writer of the report used intemperate language and patently disingenuous tactics to field a series of anti-Chavez allegations that are excessive and inappropriate. It is not a matter that President Chavez and the Venezuelan government are above reproach—far from it. The problem is the presence of a mean-spirited tone and a lack of balance and fair play that characterizes Vivanco’s reportage and his tendentious interpretation of the alleged misdeeds of the Chavez revolution are demonstrably bereft of scale and accuracy...
(click here to view entire report)
Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA)
December 18, 2008
[Editor's note: For further information on the criticisms of Human Rights Watch's Venezuela report, see IPS' article, "Human Rights Watch Report Under Fire."]
Excerpt from report:
Any reservation COHA may have had over taking issue with a sister organization was voided by the egregiously inappropriate behavior exhibited by HRW. Most specifically it was the issuance of this report and the needlessly venomous tone resorted to by HRW’s head for Latin America, Jose Miguel Vivanco. In his charges, HRW’s lead researcher and writer of the report used intemperate language and patently disingenuous tactics to field a series of anti-Chavez allegations that are excessive and inappropriate. It is not a matter that President Chavez and the Venezuelan government are above reproach—far from it. The problem is the presence of a mean-spirited tone and a lack of balance and fair play that characterizes Vivanco’s reportage and his tendentious interpretation of the alleged misdeeds of the Chavez revolution are demonstrably bereft of scale and accuracy...
(click here to view entire report)
Council on Hemispheric Affairs joins in questioning Human Rights Watch's Venezuela report
Jose Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch, holds a news conference in Caracas September 18, 2008.
Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA)
December 18, 2008
[Editor's note: For further information on the criticisms of Human Rights Watch's Venezuela report, see IPS' article, "Human Rights Watch Report Under Fire."]
Excerpt from report:
Any reservation COHA may have had over taking issue with a sister organization was voided by the egregiously inappropriate behavior exhibited by HRW. Most specifically it was the issuance of this report and the needlessly venomous tone resorted to by HRW’s head for Latin America, Jose Miguel Vivanco. In his charges, HRW’s lead researcher and writer of the report used intemperate language and patently disingenuous tactics to field a series of anti-Chavez allegations that are excessive and inappropriate. It is not a matter that President Chavez and the Venezuelan government are above reproach—far from it. The problem is the presence of a mean-spirited tone and a lack of balance and fair play that characterizes Vivanco’s reportage and his tendentious interpretation of the alleged misdeeds of the Chavez revolution are demonstrably bereft of scale and accuracy...
(click here to view entire report)
Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA)
December 18, 2008
[Editor's note: For further information on the criticisms of Human Rights Watch's Venezuela report, see IPS' article, "Human Rights Watch Report Under Fire."]
Excerpt from report:
Any reservation COHA may have had over taking issue with a sister organization was voided by the egregiously inappropriate behavior exhibited by HRW. Most specifically it was the issuance of this report and the needlessly venomous tone resorted to by HRW’s head for Latin America, Jose Miguel Vivanco. In his charges, HRW’s lead researcher and writer of the report used intemperate language and patently disingenuous tactics to field a series of anti-Chavez allegations that are excessive and inappropriate. It is not a matter that President Chavez and the Venezuelan government are above reproach—far from it. The problem is the presence of a mean-spirited tone and a lack of balance and fair play that characterizes Vivanco’s reportage and his tendentious interpretation of the alleged misdeeds of the Chavez revolution are demonstrably bereft of scale and accuracy...
(click here to view entire report)
The Caracas daily El Universal: Its brand was Carmona
By Justin Delacour
Latin America News Review
December 22, 2008
As I continue to wade through nearly 20 years of U.S. media coverage of Latin America for my dissertation, I've come across a very interesting old quote from the owner of the Venezuelan daily El Universal (which is commonly understood to be the newspaper of Caracas' old economic establishment).
In the wake of the failed coup d'état against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the anti-Chavez media in Venezuela quickly distanced themselves from coup leader Pedro Carmona, who had moved during his short two days in power to dissolve Venezuela's national legislature, its Supreme Court and the 1999 constitution.
Yet a review of some statements of the owner of El Universal demonstrates that at least one Caracas newspaper was prepared to defend --and to propagandize on behalf of-- a Carmona government. At the very moment that Carmona and his business-led clique were seeking to defend themselves against international criticism of the coup, the Washington Post's Scott Wilson took note of the following bit of apologetics for the coup from the owner of El Universal:
"Even as we speak, a case is being prepared to be filed at the transnational level to show how he [Chavez] repeatedly violated the constitution," said Andres Mata, owner of the El Universal newspaper, a Caracas daily, who along with other media leaders met with the new government today. "In the meantime, there is a willingness [on the part of the Carmona government] to hold legislative elections within 90 days and hold presidential elections on December 8. For those who criticize this government for being improvisational, it isn't acting that way."
In reality, Carmona's short stint in power was characterized by one improvisation after another. First, there was the "coup within a coup," whereby Carmona and his clique ditched their anti-Chavez allies from the old sclerotic labor unions and shut them out of their cabinet. Then there was the jettisoning of the National Assembly, Supreme Court and constitution. Then there was Carmona's quick reversal of the latter decision --under military pressure-- before Chavez and his supporters took back power.
But, of course, if you're a rightist coup leader, it never hurts to have a major newspaper spinning your every despotic move as democracy in action.
Latin America News Review
December 22, 2008
As I continue to wade through nearly 20 years of U.S. media coverage of Latin America for my dissertation, I've come across a very interesting old quote from the owner of the Venezuelan daily El Universal (which is commonly understood to be the newspaper of Caracas' old economic establishment).
In the wake of the failed coup d'état against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the anti-Chavez media in Venezuela quickly distanced themselves from coup leader Pedro Carmona, who had moved during his short two days in power to dissolve Venezuela's national legislature, its Supreme Court and the 1999 constitution.
Yet a review of some statements of the owner of El Universal demonstrates that at least one Caracas newspaper was prepared to defend --and to propagandize on behalf of-- a Carmona government. At the very moment that Carmona and his business-led clique were seeking to defend themselves against international criticism of the coup, the Washington Post's Scott Wilson took note of the following bit of apologetics for the coup from the owner of El Universal:
"Even as we speak, a case is being prepared to be filed at the transnational level to show how he [Chavez] repeatedly violated the constitution," said Andres Mata, owner of the El Universal newspaper, a Caracas daily, who along with other media leaders met with the new government today. "In the meantime, there is a willingness [on the part of the Carmona government] to hold legislative elections within 90 days and hold presidential elections on December 8. For those who criticize this government for being improvisational, it isn't acting that way."
In reality, Carmona's short stint in power was characterized by one improvisation after another. First, there was the "coup within a coup," whereby Carmona and his clique ditched their anti-Chavez allies from the old sclerotic labor unions and shut them out of their cabinet. Then there was the jettisoning of the National Assembly, Supreme Court and constitution. Then there was Carmona's quick reversal of the latter decision --under military pressure-- before Chavez and his supporters took back power.
But, of course, if you're a rightist coup leader, it never hurts to have a major newspaper spinning your every despotic move as democracy in action.
The Caracas daily El Universal: Its brand was Carmona
By Justin Delacour
Latin America News Review
December 22, 2008
As I continue to wade through nearly 20 years of U.S. media coverage of Latin America for my dissertation, I've come across a very interesting old quote from the owner of the Venezuelan daily El Universal (which is commonly understood to be the newspaper of Caracas' old economic establishment).
In the wake of the failed coup d'état against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the anti-Chavez media in Venezuela quickly distanced themselves from coup leader Pedro Carmona, who had moved during his short two days in power to dissolve Venezuela's national legislature, its Supreme Court and the 1999 constitution.
Yet a review of some statements of the owner of El Universal demonstrates that at least one Caracas newspaper was prepared to defend --and to propagandize on behalf of-- a Carmona government. At the very moment that Carmona and his business-led clique were seeking to defend themselves against international criticism of the coup, the Washington Post's Scott Wilson took note of the following bit of apologetics for the coup from the owner of El Universal:
"Even as we speak, a case is being prepared to be filed at the transnational level to show how he [Chavez] repeatedly violated the constitution," said Andres Mata, owner of the El Universal newspaper, a Caracas daily, who along with other media leaders met with the new government today. "In the meantime, there is a willingness [on the part of the Carmona government] to hold legislative elections within 90 days and hold presidential elections on December 8. For those who criticize this government for being improvisational, it isn't acting that way."
In reality, Carmona's short stint in power was characterized by one improvisation after another. First, there was the "coup within a coup," whereby Carmona and his clique ditched their anti-Chavez allies from the old sclerotic labor unions and shut them out of their cabinet. Then there was the jettisoning of the National Assembly, Supreme Court and constitution. Then there was Carmona's quick reversal of the latter decision --under military pressure-- before Chavez and his supporters took back power.
But, of course, if you're a rightist coup leader, it never hurts to have a major newspaper spinning your every despotic move as democracy in action.
Latin America News Review
December 22, 2008
As I continue to wade through nearly 20 years of U.S. media coverage of Latin America for my dissertation, I've come across a very interesting old quote from the owner of the Venezuelan daily El Universal (which is commonly understood to be the newspaper of Caracas' old economic establishment).
In the wake of the failed coup d'état against Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the anti-Chavez media in Venezuela quickly distanced themselves from coup leader Pedro Carmona, who had moved during his short two days in power to dissolve Venezuela's national legislature, its Supreme Court and the 1999 constitution.
Yet a review of some statements of the owner of El Universal demonstrates that at least one Caracas newspaper was prepared to defend --and to propagandize on behalf of-- a Carmona government. At the very moment that Carmona and his business-led clique were seeking to defend themselves against international criticism of the coup, the Washington Post's Scott Wilson took note of the following bit of apologetics for the coup from the owner of El Universal:
"Even as we speak, a case is being prepared to be filed at the transnational level to show how he [Chavez] repeatedly violated the constitution," said Andres Mata, owner of the El Universal newspaper, a Caracas daily, who along with other media leaders met with the new government today. "In the meantime, there is a willingness [on the part of the Carmona government] to hold legislative elections within 90 days and hold presidential elections on December 8. For those who criticize this government for being improvisational, it isn't acting that way."
In reality, Carmona's short stint in power was characterized by one improvisation after another. First, there was the "coup within a coup," whereby Carmona and his clique ditched their anti-Chavez allies from the old sclerotic labor unions and shut them out of their cabinet. Then there was the jettisoning of the National Assembly, Supreme Court and constitution. Then there was Carmona's quick reversal of the latter decision --under military pressure-- before Chavez and his supporters took back power.
But, of course, if you're a rightist coup leader, it never hurts to have a major newspaper spinning your every despotic move as democracy in action.
Bart Jones' ¡Hugo! out in paperback, just in time for Christmas
By Chuck Kaufman
Republished from Venezuelanalysis
December 21, 2008
I am not a reader of biographies and I am not a fan of learning history by studying the lives of "great men." Having said that, I believe that ¡Hugo! The Hugo Chavez Story From Mud Hut to Perpetual Revolution by Bart Jones is one of the most important books of 2007 and a must read for anyone who wants a fair and balanced account of the great changes sweeping Venezuela and the historical roots that shaped the man, Hugo Chavez, and the Bolivarian process that is transforming the country.
Liberals and progressives in the United States have been influenced by the relentless Bush administration and corporate media campaign to depict Chavez as an autocrat who is a threat to democracy, press freedom, and human rights norms. Newsday reporter and author of ¡Hugo!, Bart Jones, has contributed a fast-paced, thoroughly researched and balanced book that allows the reader to make her own judgments.
Jones lived eight years in Venezuela, arriving in 1992, just as Chavez and mid-level military officers were launching a failed coup against Carlos Andres Perez, which landed Chavez in prison for two years. Jones lived in a poverty stricken Caracas barrio as a Maryknoll lay worker for the first year and a half and then landed a job as Associated Press correspondent through 2000. In the barrio he lived across the street from a mud hut, just like the one where Chavez was born in his grandmother's hut. As an AP reporter Jones lived in the exclusive Altamira neighborhood, a bastion of the rich opposition to Chavez. He therefore has witnessed firsthand the two extremes of Venezuelan society...
(click here to view entire report)
Bart Jones' ¡Hugo! out in paperback, just in time for Christmas
By Chuck Kaufman
Republished from Venezuelanalysis
December 21, 2008
I am not a reader of biographies and I am not a fan of learning history by studying the lives of "great men." Having said that, I believe that ¡Hugo! The Hugo Chavez Story From Mud Hut to Perpetual Revolution by Bart Jones is one of the most important books of 2007 and a must read for anyone who wants a fair and balanced account of the great changes sweeping Venezuela and the historical roots that shaped the man, Hugo Chavez, and the Bolivarian process that is transforming the country.
Liberals and progressives in the United States have been influenced by the relentless Bush administration and corporate media campaign to depict Chavez as an autocrat who is a threat to democracy, press freedom, and human rights norms. Newsday reporter and author of ¡Hugo!, Bart Jones, has contributed a fast-paced, thoroughly researched and balanced book that allows the reader to make her own judgments.
Jones lived eight years in Venezuela, arriving in 1992, just as Chavez and mid-level military officers were launching a failed coup against Carlos Andres Perez, which landed Chavez in prison for two years. Jones lived in a poverty stricken Caracas barrio as a Maryknoll lay worker for the first year and a half and then landed a job as Associated Press correspondent through 2000. In the barrio he lived across the street from a mud hut, just like the one where Chavez was born in his grandmother's hut. As an AP reporter Jones lived in the exclusive Altamira neighborhood, a bastion of the rich opposition to Chavez. He therefore has witnessed firsthand the two extremes of Venezuelan society...
(click here to view entire report)
The picture that Washington would like to wish out of existence
Argentina's President Cristina Fernandez, center, gestures as she talks with Brazil's President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, left, Chile's President Michelle Bachelet, second right, and Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez during a summit of Latin American and Caribbean leaders in Costa do Sauipe, Brazil, Wednesday, Dec. 17, 2008. The two-day summit is aimed at strengthening political and economic ties. (AP Photo/Andre Penner)
The picture that Washington would like to wish out of existence
Argentina's President Cristina Fernandez, center, gestures as she talks with Brazil's President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, left, Chile's President Michelle Bachelet, second right, and Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez during a summit of Latin American and Caribbean leaders in Costa do Sauipe, Brazil, Wednesday, Dec. 17, 2008. The two-day summit is aimed at strengthening political and economic ties. (AP Photo/Andre Penner)
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